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The Tigrinya ethnic group is one out of the high culture antique emerged, that has its cultural and unique life wise plain true. The language Tigrinya is spoken in the countries Eritrea and Ethiopia (Tigray-province).
The Ethnie Tigrinya has to trace back is its origin approximately 3000 year ago in the highland of Eritrea (Kebessa) in the provinces Hamasien, Serai and Akeluguzay. The foundation father of these provinces was Meroni. Meronis great-grandfather came out of Syria to east Africa. Meroni had three sons were named Faluk, Tchaluk and Maluk. Meroni decide to return to the country of its ancestors, but it did not possess the capacity of its ancestors to read stars. As it until after Egypt through chance gave succeeded it after a while designates up and turned back.
The religion membership of the Tigrinya is Christian � (99%)Orthodox (also as a Tewahedo designates), however it gives infringed are a small minority of Tigrinya‘s it that to the Protestant or Catholic belief. The Tigrinya muslims be appropriate distinguish among other things also to the ethnic group of the Tigrinya, it solely in the religion membership because they are converted to Islam. They implored before approximately 300 years out of the Povinz Tigray after Mereb Milash, where that protection race of Mereb Milash (Tigrinya label for sovereign) them granted. The reason for their flight was race requested has at that time in Tigray, that all Tigrinya-muslims your belief to change and to suppose believe that Christian-orthodox because it feared an Islamisation of the community.
Ras Woldemichael Selomon was the last sovereign of Mereb Milash. He repulsed the Mahdis end of the 19.th century in Akordat. When he feared a strong against offensive of the Mahdis and the Italians, he traveled met Ras said after Tigray, there it with Alula, that in the support to, race swore as Woldemichael on the Bible faithful. Ras Alula schemed however against it and Ras Woldemichael Salomon(Solomon) attacted into an ambush, therefore was Mereb Milash leadership loose and it ignite renewed a brother war terrible between Hazega and Zehassega, for itself the Italians too would use made in that it with Ras Alula support that highland Eritreas incorporated itself.
After a multitude of fights, contracts and intrigue, at which England, Egypt, the Osmanic empire, Italy were involved and out of Ethiopia emperor Johannes 4 and the later emperor Menelik, Italy established at that 1. January 1890 the colonies Eritrea (country at the red sea, that Mare Erythraeum the antique) in the boundaries valid highly today, that is with the Mereb than a southern boundary after Tigray there.
Legal basis was that 1889 with the Menelik become just now emperor closed contract by Wuchale (Italian “Uccialli “written) whereby that was rather wrong “right “in the Italian handling: while Meneliks dispatched Makonnen, that father Haile Selassies signed, at that 1. October in Rome a rider to the boundaries, in which the speech of that was “present possession state, “, the Italian troops marched to the Mereb-river and partially in addition before That the Ethiopian signer of the contract was unknown. Rubenson meant that with the clause of that “actual possession “probably the highpoint of the double dealing Italy in the negotiations had been reached with the Ethiopians.
Italy Prime Minister Crispi had explained then also on other occasion, would be it totally correct to deceive “an African “.
The second fraud point in the contract of Wuchale was a clause that read in the Amharic, the Ethiopian emperor could make use of in diplomatic questions of the services of Italy, in the Italians however with Ethiopia would have become the protectorate, what Italy shortly after signature of the contract also sounds necked announced.
Both together was reason for the battle of Adua(Adwa, Adwua) in Tigray, in which Menelik 1896 struck the Italian colonial army. In the contract of Addis Abeba, the contract of Wuchale was canceled yet in the same year; Italy recognized the independence of Ethiopia on and turned back accepted border on previously expressed claims to Tigray; Ethiopia accepted the border upto Mereb.
Tigrinya from the highland of Eritrea and the northern part of Ethiopia create the empire Aksum(include parts of Yemen, Sudan, Dschibouti)
The final end of the Meroitic state is still a matter of considerable discussion. The royal burials seem to finish at some time in the early part of the fourth century AD, though this doues not mean the end of occupation of Meroe town. the archaeological evidence from there is very difficult to interpret owing to the surface erosion that has taken place, but it seems likely that occupation continued very much later – even if the centralized administration associated with royalty may have come to an end. The conventional view has been that the Meroitic state was dealt its final blow by an expedition of King Ezana (Aezanes in Greek [probably since this time the name Eritrea exist, Eritrea means the land on the redsea which come from the latin of europe]) of Aksum at some time close to AD 350. The evidence for this expedition is to be found in an inscription at Aksum written in Ge’ez, which describes an Aksumite campaign in the Island of Meroe, though there are a number of varying interpretations as to the nature of the campaign and the situation at Meroe at the time.
The text itself begins with the protocol normal in Aksumite inscriptions of this period. Ezana states the countries over which he claimed to rule, including some in South Arabia, such as Himyar and Saba, and some in the neighbourhood of Aksum, such as Bega and Kasa (presumably Kush or Meroe), thus implying that he already controlled it. The inscription then describes the campaign and says that Ezana ‘took the field against the Noba, when the people revolted’, and ‘when they boasted, “he will not cross the Takazze”‘, and when they made attacks on identified neighbouring peoples – the Mangurto, Hana and Barya(Baria) – and plundered envoys sent by Ezana. The Takazze is the river Atbara, and the text certainly implies that the Noba were a people previously subject to Aksumite rule and that the campaign was a punitive one. The text goes on to describe how he defeated the Noba at the crossing of the Atbara, burnt their towns and seized much material including stocks of cotton, and killed many of this enemy, among whom were several chiefs whose names are given. Two of these are described as riding on camels, and a priest from whom a silver crown and a gold ring were taken was also killed. The troops of Ezana then attacked both up and down the Nile from a point neat the junction of the Nile and the Atbara, and at this Junction Ezana erected a throne, presumably similar to stone platforms known from the neighbourhood of Aksum(Axum).
If this document is to be taken at face value, always a difficult matter with boastful royal inscriptions of this type, we must assume that Aksum(Axum) had established an authority over Meroe sufficient to warrant a campaign to maintain its authority. Possible evidence for earlier Aksumite activity at Meroe may be seen in a fragmentary inscription in Greek, certainly of Aksumite origin and, from its mention of Ares, a pagan god, probably to be dated prior to the Christianization of Ezana in about AD 350. Unfortunately the exact conditions of discovery of this inscription are not known, but Sayce, who published the piece, says it was brought to him at Meroe, and it probably came from there. The only other Aksumite object from Meroe is one copper coin found in excavations of 1969-70; this coin, though it does not bear the name of Ezana, is of about his time and, since it bears the symbol of a cross, cannot be earlier than AD 350. Since there were two levels of building above the spot at which the coin was found, it provides some evidence for occupation into at least the later fourth century. There is also a graffito on the wall of the chapel of pyramid N. 2 at Meroe which is thought to be in Ge’ez, the language of Aksum(Axum, Akhsum), but no satisfactory translation has ever been established; it has been suggested that it is evidence for the presence of one of Ezana’s soldiers.
There has been considerable discussion as to the interpretation of the Ezana text and its relevance as evidence for the end of the Meroitic kingdom. There is no reference to Meroitic royalty in it, an implication that the area was already in some way subject to Aksum(Axum, Akhsum), and a clear statement that it was the Noba who were the main enemy. This suggest that the Meroitic royal house and the administration associated with it had already disappeared, and it is tempting to see the Noba as the agents of final Meroitic collapse. The problem of the identity of the Noba and the archaeological material that perhaps can be identified with them will be discussed furhter below, but it is now necessary to look to the Eritrean, north Ethiopian highland and to say something of the origins and history of the kingdom which so suddenly and dramatically irrupted into the Nile Valley.
The origins of the Aksumite kingdom go back well into the first millenium BC, when settlers from Syria introduced Semitic languages, building in stone, and literacy. They may also have been the first to introduce agriculture into the area, though the small amount of investigation carried out so far makes this a hazardous hypothesis – the only dates known to the present writer for cultivated grain from the highland of Eritrea and the northern Ethiopia are of the sixth century AD, from the caves in Begemder province investigated by Dombrowski. The period from the fifth century BC, which is about as early a date as can be established with confidence, to the end of Aksumite times in the tenth century AD can conveniently be divided into three, the evidence for which is primarily archaeological, since inscriptions are few and it is not yet possible to write a connected history. The first period, which can be called ‘Syrian‘, dates from the fifth century BC or perhaps somewhat earlier. The material remains as shown by sites at Yeha(Tigray[north Ethiopia]), Haoulti and Matara(Metera [Eritrea]) show very clearly their Syrian origin. The impressive architecture of the temples at Yeha, and of the newly discovered one near by at Grat-Beal-Guebri, which employed, in typical Syrian style, both wood and stone in their construction, are good evidence for this, and for the introduction of Syrian religious practices.
Grat-Beal-Guebri appears to be built above the massive foundations of an earlier building, going back perhaps to the time of the first settlers. There is little information on domestic dwellings, but they seem mostly to have been rectangular in shape and built of stone with mud mortar.
The second period, lasting from about the beginning of the third century BC to the first century AD, shows the earlier Syrian cultural influences being assimilated to local conditions and the development of the first distinctively Eritrean and north Ethiopian styles. The writing system was modified, and changes are to be seen in the pottery and metal work. No historical events or personages can be identified with either of these first two periods, and inscriptions are all of a religious or funerary nature. However, the archaeological material makes it possible to see the material base on which the later Aksumite culture was developed.
By the first century AD the development of the town of Aksum(Axum, Akhsum) begins the third period, known as ‘Aksumite‘, which continued until the tenth century. The evidence suggests that many of the earlier sites were abandoned and new towns founded. Of these, Aksum(Axum, Akhsum) , perhaps by reason of its sheltered situation, plentiful water supply and adequacy of agricultural land, became the most important, and the seat of a long line of rulers. This Aksumite period is marked by a number of important changes in the syles of architectures, as well as of pottery and other manufactured articles. A coinage was developed by the third century AD, and from the representations of royalty, often with their names, on the coins, a list of kings can be established. There was certainly an increase in prosperity, largely as a result of trading activities. Many more sites are known than from pre-Aksumite times, and there is a greater richness in the material culture, together with a considerable import of objects from the eastern Mediterranean.
During this period Aksum(Axum, Akhsum) became a town of some size and contained numerous temples and palaces, as well as the large monolithic stelae for which it is best known (pls. 5-7). The purpose and exact dating of these stelae is not certain and they carry no inscriptions, but they were presumably to commenmorate people or events, and the recent excavations of H. N. Chittick may enable us to date them with greater precision. A considerable part of ancient Aksum(Axum, Akhsum) is under the moderate town, but some idea of the nature of the richer, perhaps royal, buildings can be got from the large ‘chateau'(as the excavator has described it) of Dongour on the western outskirts of the town. This complex building is an irregular rectangle with each side about 57m long. Some walls still stand to a height of 5m, and it contains over forty rooms ranged round a central pavillion reached by a monumental stone staircase. It is a massive and splendid construction bearing withness to the wealth and technical competence of the Aksumite kingdom. Dating – as of all Aksumite buildings at present – is difficult, but the pottery and the coins found suggest it belongs late in Aksumite history, perhaps to the seventh century AD.
The town of Adulis(Eritrea), on the coast, became the port through which trade flowed. It seems to predate Aksum(Axum, Akhsum), and may have been in existence as early as the time of Ptomely III (246-221 BC), perhaps replacing Ptolemais Theron as the main emporium for Ptolemaic trade. By the date at which The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea(Eritrea) was written, perhaps about AD 100, it was certainly the main port on the south-western coast of the Red Sea, and was an important centre for the trade in ivory from the interior.
Tigrinya Christian(tewahedo) states in the whole north eastafrica(eritrea, ethiopia and sudan) until egypt
Just as geography had conditioned the history of Aksum(Axum, Achsum) so too did it determine life in the Nile Valley, a thin sliver of fertile soil sharply confined by desert sands whose topography has shaped the history of its Christian states. The disintegration of the kingdom of Kush and its symbolic termination by Ezana, the Christian king of Aksum(Axum, Achsum) in 350CE, was followed by 200 years of rule in Lower Nubia by the Ballana, who came from the southwest to settle by the Nile. In the fifth century they established three kingdom – Nobatia, Makouria, and Alwa – from Lower Nubia upstream from the First Cataract at Aswan to the confuluence of the Blue and White Niles. As absolute rulders the Ballana kings sought legitimacy by adopting Kushitic symbols of monarchy. Nobatia was soon absorbed by Makouria to dominate Lower Nubia from Aswan to the Fifth Cataract, while the smaller kingdom of Alwa ruled the Nile from Meroe to its capital at Soba near the confluence at modern Khartoum. Little is known of the history of Nubia during the reigns of the Ballana kings, who were buried with their crowns and all the accoutrements for their afterlife – wine, cups cooking utensils, lamps, jewels, weapons, and slaves ritually sacrificed. The burials were in monumental tombs, rather than pyramids, but they are reminiscent of dynastic Egypt and the kingdom of Kush, and could not have been constructed without the central organization of the state to mobilize the human, material, and religious resources to build them.
Between 543 and 580CE the Nubians discarded their old gods and the idols of pharaonic Egypt to embrace with religious enthusiasm the new Monophysite Christian faith, which became the state religion of the Christian kingdoms of the Sudan. The evangelization of Nubia had been undertaken by missionaries sent by the great Byzantine emperor Justinian (537-565CE) or, more likely, his empress, Theodora, who was an outspoken advocate of the Monophysite persuasion. Justinian converted the great temple of Isis at Philae near Aswan into the church of St. Stephen, and in 543 the missionary Julian traveled up the Nile to convert the Nubians of the kingdom of Nobatia. His success was assured by the conversion of the king, which was followed by a spate of church building on the remains of old temples. he was succeeded in 569 by Longinus, who until 575 continued the conversion of Nubian rulers and their subjects by expanding the Christianity of the Monophysite doctrine into the kingdoms of Makouria and Alwa. The new religion was adopted with a spiritual passion that produced an astonishing ideological transformation. The great symbols of dynastic Egypt and Kush – tombs, temples, statuary, and divine kingship – soon disappeared, to be replaced by the strict observance of one God, the faith in whom inspired Nubian Christian churches, art, and literature.
The acceptance of one omnipotent King in heaven superseded the concept of divine kings on earth. The Christian kings of Makouria and Alwa, mere mortals, acknowledged the spiritual supremacy of the Coptic patriarch of Alexandria and his appointed bishops in Nubia in return for his support of their secular rule. Although the Monophysite Christianity of medieval Nubia was regarded as heretical by both the Western Church in Rome and the Eastern Church at Constantinople, the arrival of Christianity restored the historical ties of Nubia with the Mediterranean world and renewed its cultural relationship with Egypt. It gave an identity to the peoples of the Nubian Nile by preserving their past culture in a Christian context that enabled them to resist for another 500 years the later challenge from the Islam.
The Nubian kings embraced the new religion with the same fervor as their subjects, but their interests were as much political as spiritual. A religious alliance with the Coptic patriarch of Egypt and the Byzantine emperor would strengthen their isolated rule in Nubia. The excitement and acceptance with which Monophysite Christianity was received by the rulers and the ruled, however, cannot be explained solely by secular considerations. The old symbols of the kingdom of Kush had ceased to have meaning, and even the popular cult of Isis no longer gave legitimacy to the Ballana kings. Christianity was a new message, easily understood in the oneness of God, fulfilling a spiritual need that the Egyptian and the Kushitic gods of the past could no longer satisfy. Even if regarded by other Christians as heretics, the Christian Nubian kings and their subjects became part of the larger world that embraced the new dynamic ideology and faith of Christianity.
We do not know the details of this rapid and remarkable conversion. Was it the charisma and rhetoric of a wandering mendicant, the fiery missionary, perhaps Julian, who could captivate the populace? Or were these early missionaries more ambassadors than evangelists who began at the court of an absolute Ballana monarch whose baptism would be quickly imitated by his courtiers and soon followed by that of his subjects? The rapid and complete acceptance of Christianity in Nubia by the end of the sixth century was probably a bit of both. The appeal for new ideology coincided with royal decrees to adopt the sixth century from the brick temple of Taharqo at Qasr Ibrim, built a thousand years before. The bricks and stones from palaces and temples scattered along the Nubian Nile could easily be converted to the naves of Christian churches. the average Nubian church was the size of a modern-day chapel, but there were large churches, cathedrals, at Old Dongola, Faras, and Qasr Ibrim.
Unlike Aksum(Axum), however, the institution of monasticism never developed in Makouria and Alwa. The monasteries of Eritrea(Kebessa) and north Ethiopia(Tigray) were the repositories of its history, literature, and language (Ge’ez), and the bastions against Muslim invasion. The failure to establish a monastic tradition in Nubia was perhaps more geographical than ideological. Unlike the highland plateau of Eritrea(Kebessa) and north Ethiopia(Tigray), the Nubian Nile is a thin band of green by the river where there was only room for the church and not the expansive Eritrea(Kebessa) and north Ethiopia(Tigray) estates required to support a monastery. Moreover, the Monophysite missionaries in Nubia were concerned with conversion, which required their presence at court and preaching in the villages rather than retiring into the Nubian Desert to contemplate the nature of Christ in a wasteland that could not support even the most ascetic monks.
Moreover, the Nubian Church never established the ecclesiastical unity of the Eritrea(Kebessa) and north Ethiopia(Tigray) Church was the abona appointed by the patriarch of the Egyptian Coptic Church. Although he was an Egyptian monk, the primacy of the abona was accepted by every Eritrean(Kebessa) and north Ethiopian(Tigray) emperor, noble, and peasant as the symbol of the centrality and continuity of the Church. Unity in the Nubian Church could never be achieved when each of its thirteen bishops was consecrated separately by the patriarch of Alexandria and they answered to him individually. There was no abona and consequently no single individual to unify the Nubian Church under the control of rival bishops, who were one in doctrine and spirit but who were determined to defend their bishoprics against all rivals by appeals to their spiritual authority and as patrons of art and literature.
After the death of the Prophet Muhammad(Muhammed) in 632CE, Muslim Arabs erupted from the desert steppes of Arabia to conquer the lands to the east and west. By 641 they had occupied Egypt, where the Egyptian Coptic Church had to accept its position as a minority religion, but Arab control of Upper Egypt on the borders of Christian Nubia was precarious and characterized by frontier raiding between Arab invaders and Nubian defenders. In 651-652CE the Arab governor of Egypt, Abdallah ibn Sa’d Abi Sarh, led a well-equipped expedition to subdue the Nations of Makouria. The Arabs marched as far as Dongola and laid siege to the town, but suffered heavy casualties from the skilled Nubian archers and were obliged to make peace, the Baqt. The Baqt is one of the most famous documents of medieval times; it defined the terms of peace on the frontier between Christian Nubia and the Islamic world for another six centuries (652-1257), a record in the history of international relations. It was originally regarded as a truce, not a treaty, and its longevity was more the result of reality and the benefits therefrom than an immutable convenant of ambigous jurisprudence. The Baqt was an agreement of accommodation that regularized trade and was unique in the Muslim world, for it recognized that Christian Nubia was sovereign and exempt, not only from the dar al-islam (land of faithful), but also from the dar al-harb (land of the enemy). This anomalous distinction recognized the invincibility of the Nubian army and the accuracy of its famous archers more than the erudition of Islamic jurists. The Baqt established peace and regulated commerce between Christian Nubia and Islamic Egypt.
According to the terms of the agreement
- Each year you [Nubians] are to deliver 360 slaves, whom you will pay to the Imam of the Muslims from the finest slaves of your country, in whom there is no defect. [They are to be] both male and female. Among them [is to be] no decrepit old man or any child who has not reached puberty. You are to deliver them to the Wali of Aswan.
In exchange, the Nubians were provided with foodstuffs from the Nile Valley. The coming of Islam to Egypt and the Nile limited and ultimately ended the contact of both the highland of Eritrea, Ethiopia and Nubia with the Mediterranean world. This isolation forged on the anvil of Islam disrupted the commercial relationships with their Red Sea trading partners facilitated by the Egyptian Coptic Church, but the Muslim rulers were never sufficiently strong to conquer either of these two Christian states of northeast Africa. The Eritreans (Kebessa) and north Ethiopians (Tigray) were protected by their highlands, the Nubians by the rocks of the Nile cataracts and the burning sands of their deserts.
When Muslim Turkish mercenaries, the Tulunids, took control of Lower Egypt in the ninth century, they sought to rid themselves of the unruly Bedouin Arabs in Upper Egypt by encouraging them to roam into Nubia. The desert, which the Nubians avoided, was the home of the nominally Bedouin Arabs, was the home of the nominally Muslim Bedouin Arabs who rode out of the desert to raid the Christian settlements by the Nile, and once again the Christian Nubians of Makouria defended their kingdom against Islam for another 300 years until the Mamluk sultans established their rule over Egypt in the second half of the thirteenth century. The Mamluks perceived their principal duty as protecting the dar al-islam from infidels – Mongols, Crusaders, and Christian Nubians. Sultan Baybars (1260-1277) and his successor, Qalawun (1279-1290), sent military expeditions south of Aswan to pillage the Nubian Nile and return to Egypt without ever occupying Makouria. By the thirteenth century the Christian kingdoms of the Sudan were collapsing. During the centuries of the Baqt the authority of the monarchy had gradually been eroded by the hierarchy of the Church, whose bishops allied with the feudal nobility to undermine the Crown, which was beset by the incipient intrusions of Bedouin Arabs from Upper Egypt. These were far more corrosive to the Christian kingdoms than the challenge from the Mamluk sultans. When the last Mamluk expedition was sent to Nubia in 1366, the kingdom of Makouria had disintegrated into petty chiefdoms into which the Bedouins had settled. During these undocumented times trade disappeared, as did the Baqt, the Church, and the nobility, which imploded upon its own impotence. Christianity was no longer a threat on the frontier of Islam at Aswan. The vacuum was filled by the arrival of the Muslim fuqura (Arabic, “holy men,” sg. faqir) practicing sufism, Islam mysticism, in fraternal brotherhoods, the turuq (sg. tariqa), who brought Islam to the Sudan. They were neither warriors nor traders but religious teachers who spread Islam among the rustic Arab nomads and Nubian farmers just as Julian and Longinus had converted the Nubians to Christianity six centuries before.
By the fifteenth century Nubia was open to Arab immigration, particularly after the Juhayna of Upper Egypt learned that the grasslands beyond the hostile Aswan Reach could support their herds, and there was no longer any political authority with the power to obstruct their advance. They occupied Lower Nubia, where they intermarried with the locals and introduced Arabic and Islam to Nubian Christians. Inheritance among the Arabs is through the male, while among the Nubians it was passed through the female line. Intermarriage consequently resulted in Nubian economic and political inheritance passing from Nubian woment to Arab sons and thereafter down the patrilineal line. The Juhayna and other Arab nomads wandered both east and west from the Nile with their cattle, camels, sheep, and goats. Some settled in Nubian villages by the Nile to become farmers. In Upper Nubia the kingdom of Alwa remained the last indigenous Christian barrier to Arab infiltration of the Sudan.
Medieval Arabic writers called the northern frontier of Alwa al-abwab (“the gates”), a term that still applies to the regions from al-Kabushiyya south of the confluence of the Atbara River with the Nile, to Sennar on the Blue Nile. Alwa appears to have been more prosperous than Makouria. It preserved the iron-working techniques of Kush, and its capital at Soba near Khartoum on the north bank of the Nile impressed Arab visitors with its buildings, churches, and gardens. Alwa was able to maintain its integrity so long as the Arab nomads failed to combine against it, but the collapse of the kingdom of Makouria resulted in a steady infiltration of Arab herdsmen. Alwa disappeared into unrecorded history. By the sixteenth century an Arab confederation led by the Islamic folk-hero Abdallah Jamma, “the Gatherer,” destroyed Soba, leaving the Christian remains of the kingdom of Alwa to the mysterious Funj.
The conflict with Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Sudan
In Spite of border incidents, raids and counter-raids, it had often seemed during the half century following Muhammad ‘Ali’s conquest of the Sudan as if Egypt, Eritrea and Ethiopia would avoid a full-scale war with each other. Eritrea and Ethiopia had the river mereb as a border but to Sudan, they had no fixed boundaries in the modern sense of the word; peoples and tribes mattered more than territory. The vaguely tributary but autonomous and unprotected lowland tribes had formed an Ethiopian buffer zone in the west and in the north an Eritrean buffer zone.
History is still under �construction�, please be patient!